ABSTRACT
The literature has shown that fertility desires are an important indicator that can help us understand and predict the future course of fertility; however, little work has been done on its relationship to ethnicity among women in Ghana using recent nationally representative data. Therefore, this study investigates the relationship between ethnicity and fertility desires among two groups of parous women in Ghana. It critically examines the fertility desires (the desire for an additional child) of women who have their number of living children below and above the wanted fertility rate.
The study was mainly based on the most recent data collected from the 2014 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey. The study utilized a total sample size of 5,584 which consists of women between the age group 15-49 years. The data were split into two groups; the first consisted of women with 1 to 3 number of living children, representing those with children below the wanted fertility rate, with a sample size of 3,437, and women with 4 or more children representing those with children above the wanted fertility rate, with a sample size of 2,111.
Descriptive analysis results indicate an older, uneducated, rural, poorer, agricultural sample in the higher parity group compared to the 1 to 3 parity sample. Out of this, 77.5% of women in the lower parity group desired an additional child, whereas 23.6% women in the higher parity group desired an additional child.
The cross tabulation results showed that ethnicity, child‟s age, place of residence, current age of a woman, level of education, religion, woman‟ s and husband‟s occupation, and husband‟s desire for children were all significantly related to the desire for an additional child among both groups of parous women.
Binary logistic regression results indicated that ethnicity was a significant predictor of fertility desires among the two groups of women. Additionally, ethnicity remained significant even when socio-economic factors were controlled for, thus this study refutes the characteristics hypothesis. This means that even though certain ethnic groups are assimilated into more modern, socio-economic structures, they still keep their pro-natalistic beliefs. Some variables such as child‟s age, current age of a woman, religion, and husband‟s desires predicted a woman‟s desire for an additional child among both groups of parous women. Meanwhile, contraception and husband‟s occupation only predicted a woman‟s desire for an additional child for the 1 to 3 parity group. Conversely, wealth status only predicted a woman‟s desire for an additional child for the 4+ group.
In conclusion, this study found that Mole-Dagbani and „Other‟ women who already have a high parity are more likely to want an additional child suggesting that these ethnic groups need to be targeted with appropriate interventions to lower their desires. Further studies need to be carried out to help understand the norms, customs, practices and beliefs that govern the major Ghanaian ethnic groups regarding their fertility desires and behaviour.
Background of the Study
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
In sub-Saharan Africa, most countries experience high fertility and comprise of large family sizes, although in recent times conscious efforts are being made to reduce births (Garenne, 2008). In the last two decades, there is quite substantial evidence to suggest that fertility has declined considerably in sub-Saharan Africa, the decline was not proportionate (GSS, GHS & Macro International, 2009). Some researchers agree that even though there has been some decline, which is good; there still exists some differentials between and within countries (Feyisetan & Bankole, 2002; Anyara & Hinde, 2006; Khasakhala, 2011). While there has been some global decline, fertility rates in the sub-Saharan African region are still nowhere near that of the other major regions of the world. For instance, the total fertility rate (TFR) of sub-Saharan Africa (5.0 births per woman) is the highest, when compared with that of Asia (2.1 births per woman) and of Latin America (2.2 births per woman) (Population Reference Bureau, 2016). In Ghana, current trends place us in the peculiar stalled fertility bracket because the TFR has failed to decline further from the 2003 and 2008 rates. In 2003, the TFR was 4.4 and reduced to 4.0 in 2008. Nonetheless, the TFR of 4.2 in 2014 shows that the expected decline that was to happen has not really materialized. Further examination of the rates shows a gap between the desired and actual family sizes. Ghanaian women desire to have an ideal number of 3.6 children yet end up having 0.6 children more. This means that if we are able to avoid unwanted births, the total fertility rate of 4.2 will not be 17% higher than it is now (GSS, GHS, ICF International, 2015).
Before fertility desires, which are also known as personal preferences, can be translated into behavior, they must initially be transformed into intentions. According to Miller and Pasta (1995), individuals will have to act deliberately in order to transform desires to reality. Additionally, fertility preferences or desires are measures that have been used extensively to
describe as well as to estimate the number of children an individual would essentially want to have. Thus, fertility desires are the indicators of general attitudes and possible future course of fertility. Some researchers have posited diverse desires and corresponding intentions of individuals will influence the timing and quantity aspects of child bearing (Khasakhala, 2011; OlaOlorun, Seme, Otupiri, Ogunjuyigbe, & Tsui, 2016). It is well known that in Africa, “social, economic and cultural institutions ascribe varying costs and benefits to childbearing” (Takyi and Dodoo, 2005, p. 252). It is also understood that “lineage networks and ties” have a strong influence on “personal and public behaviour” (Takyi and Dodoo, 2005, p. 252). Therefore, Africans tend to be more pro-natal as a result of familial ties and societal beliefs. According to Muhammad (1996, p. 733), “ethnicity and ethnic factors, like ethnic attitude, ethnic identification and cultural practices influence reproductive behaviour”. Consequently, people who belong to different ethnic groups may have differing views regarding fertility and fertility related decisions. In Ghana for instance, ethnicity is associated with “contraceptive use, sexual initiation, and birth spacing practices” (Takyi and Dodoo, 2005 p. 252). In effect, these factors are related to fertility desire levels in Ghana one way or another. As such, this study seeks to investigate further the role ethnicity plays in the fertility preferences of women in Ghana by analysing data from the most current Demographic and Health Survey (DHS). As an added component, the study assesses fertility desires in light of the current fertility situation of the women by separating women into two groups; those with one to three children (which is below the wanted fertility rate value of 3.6) and those with four or more children.
Statement of Problem
Historically, the African culture encourages large family sizes. There are certain incentives and reward systems that stimulate it. Caldwell & Caldwell (1987) have postulated that certain factors such as prestige or material well-being encourage an individual to have large family
sizes. In Ghana, diverse cultural practices encourage large families which in turn promote high fertility. For instance, it is anticipated that a woman who has given birth will abstain from sexual intercourse. Nonetheless, the length and degree of abstinence from sexual intercourse depends on the ethnic group she belongs to (Addai, 1999). Mba (2003) has also posited that the duration of post-partum behaviour is significant in determining fertility differentials among women in Ghana. All this would suggest that various ethnic groups can influence fertility differently and this is worth studying in further detail at this time.
Past research findings on fertility have identified specific practices that influence fertility among ethnic groups in Ghana. For example, Gaisie (1968) has observed that by tradition, Ewes are likely to abstain from sexual intercourse for 2 years and 11 months or 156 weeks following birth. On the other hand, the Akans are likely to desist from sexual intercourse for only 2 and half months (Bleek, 1990). However, the Ga/Adangmes recommend that until the child is weaned, sexual intercourse should be refrained from (Kaye, 1962). Finally, Gaisie (1968) suggests that Mole-Dagbani women will resume sexual activities as soon as possible even though sexual taboos remain. Thus, the ethnic group one belongs to determines the level of adherence to the sexual norms during a woman‟s post-partum period and it is known that women who experience longer post-partum periods/behaviour have fewer births. Although the studies discussed above are quite dated, they provide an understanding of the differences in practices which then translate into fertility. However, more work remains to be undertaken to investigate the recent relationships between fertility related behaviour and ethnicity among women in Ghana, especially after the fertility stall. Fertility preference is seen as an important indicator of fertility; however, its relationship to ethnicity has rarely been assessed, and this has especially not been investigated using recent nationally representative data.
In Ghana, fertility remains a challenge. High fertility was one of the main challenges faced by Ghanaians in the 1960s. Although concerted efforts have been made both globally and
nationally to curb the incidence of rapidly growing populations and its associated dangers, the total fertility rate (TFR) in Ghana is still high at 4.2 births per woman. Ghana‟s population trends show a rapid increase in population. In 1960, the population was 6.7 million which increased to 18.9 million in 2000 and to 24.2 million in 2010. The population is projected to further increase to 50.4 by mid-2050 (PRB 2016). The 1969 national population policy target of reducing population growth rates to about 1.8% by 2000 was not met and with the population growing at a rate of 2.5%, the population will double in 28 years. This development has policy implications for the government and implications for the citizens at large. This is based on the theory that unparalleled growth in human populations will create a wide range of social, economic, and environmental challenges (Ehrlich and Ehrlich, 1990; 1991; 1996). Also high fertility poses health risks for children and their mothers, detracts from human capital investment, slows economic growth, and exacerbates environmental threats. Additionally, high fertility works in tandem with poverty to plague the lives of individuals. In that, high fertility and poverty usually results in increased maternal and infant deaths and diseases. These will nonetheless stifle efforts to raise the standards of living of individuals. The underlying reason for the high fertility rates in Ghana, among other factors, the study argues, is attributable to the diverse cultural practices among the ethnic groups as explained in the preceding paragraph. With these concerns in mind, it is expedient that we explore the subject of fertility desires and its relationship with ethnicity, especially among parous women in Ghana.
Farooq (1981) asserts that observed fertility may not necessarily mean an actual demand for children, especially in developing nations. It is however reflected by family size desires or preferences. The focus of past research in sub-Sahara Africa on fertility has been on levels, trends, determinants, fertility desires, intentions, preferences and contraceptive behaviour (Thomson, 1997; Schoen et al., 1999; Ibisomi, 2007). However, limited research has been
carried out to examine the role ethnic differentials play on fertility desires despite acknowledging the importance of understanding ethnicity and its impact on the various facets of fertility (Gaisie, 1968; Kaye, 1962; Busia, 1954, Benefo et al., 1994, Addai, 1999, Agyei- Mensah and Owoo, 2015). This current study will examine the relationship between ethnicity and fertility desires of women in Ghana. The study will go further to assess this among two groups of parous women; those with their number of living children below the wanted fertility rate (1 to 3 children) and those with children above the wanted fertility rate (4 or more children). Research into the preferences and desires of women has often been looked at from an aggregate point of view. Women and their preferences may differ by parity; therefore looking at the issues from the aggregate point of view will mask or conceal a lot of details. This study however will look at the issues concerning the fertility desires of women, most importantly by splitting the data into two different groups of parous women. This will enable us see the individual effect the two groups have on the overall fertility situation in Ghana. This study will use „desire for additional child‟ to assess fertility desires as opposed to ideal family size which studies tend to use although it has been reported to have many drawbacks (Tarun et al., 2008). In addition, the ideal family size measure has been deemed as difficult to obtain objective responses when collecting information on ideal family size (Tarun et al., 2008).