TABLE OF CONTENT
CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
1.1 The Egba People
1.2 Problem Statement
1.3 Aims of the Study
1.4 Significance of the Study
1.5 Research questions
1.6 Organization of Research
CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY
2.0 Introduction
2.1 Literature Review
2.2 Theoretical Framework
2.3 Methodology and Data Collection
CHAPTER THREE ALTERNATIVE QUESTION
3.0 Introduction
3.1 Alternative interrogatives
3.2 Are Polar And Alternative Questions The Same?
3.3 Differences between Polar and Alternative Interrogatives
3.4 How Alternative Interrogatives are formed
3.5 Types of Alternative Interrogatives in Egba
3.6 How Alternative Questions are Focused in Egba
CHAPTER FOUR CONTENT INTERROGATIVES
4.0 Introduction
4.1 Content Questions
4.2 Formation of Question Word Questions
4.3 Word order in Content Interrogatives
4.4 Formation of Content Questions in Egba
4.5 A Description of Egba Question Words and Phrases
4.5.1 ‘who’
4.5.2 ‘what’
4.5.3 where
4.5.4 ‘how’
4.5.6 ‘which’
4.6 Conclusion
CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusion
5.2 Recommendation
REFERENCE
GLOSSARY
CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
The study of syntax does not only investigate universal tendencies but also, those tendencies that are language specific. Three basic types of sentences: namely declaratives, imperatives and questions are identifiable across languages but these may have peculiar manifestations in various languages. This study focuses on questions (interrogative sentences). This type of sentence is used to elicit information that may or may not be known and to seek for clarification of what has already been uttered. This emphasizes kong and Siemund (2007) assertion that ‘Interrogative sentence are conventionally associated to speech act of requesting information”. An utterance maybe interrogative in structure; however it may function pragmatically as a command with or without non-verbal cues such as smile (Dixon, 2012). Thus such a construction is not a true question but only one in form because it does solicit for an answer rather it directs the addressee to perform an action.
Question formation, according to Konig and Siemund (2007:291) are “conventionally associated with the speech act of requesting information” and in many languages are formed from declaratives by adding a particle or a tag and this affirms Downing and Locke (2006) assertion that interrogatives typically occur in interpersonal situations and are used to seek for information.
Generally, questions are formed by the use of question particles, some lexical intonation, and change in the word order. Various types of interrogatives exist and this depends on the criteria used. On the bases of their syntactic and semantic properties, Konig and Siemund (2007) grouped interrogatives into two main classes: polar interrogatives and constituent interrogatives or information questions. They observed that another type of interrogative exists which is alternatives interrogative and it is similar to polar interrogatives but the responses set for alternative questions are different from that of polar questions. Collins (2006:184) also argues that questions are classified using a number of criteria and “the most widely known is that based on the different types of possible answers: between what are commonly called Yes/No questions, alternative questions, and wh-questions”. Yes/no questions are interrogatives where the expected answer is either “yes‟ or “no‟ or a confirmation. Alternative questions are questions in which the speaker provides the addressee with possible options to choose from, and Wh questions are those that seek information or require a more elaborate response.
This work seeks to describe the types of questions in Egba based on (Collins 2006) classification. However, the terms “yes/no‟ questions and “wh-questions‟ will not be used in the present work as already argued by (Dixon 2012c) that the terms are not appropriate since some languages lack the exact words “yes/no‟ and that most languages apart from English do not have their question words beginning with Wh and Egba is not an exception to this. Egba is a typical example of a language with none of its question words beginning with “Wh‟. Thus polar and content questions or question word questions shall be used in this study.
This research will focus on the structure of polar questions, content questions, and alternative questions, taking into consideration the various types for each interrogative type and the strategies that are used in forming them. The work will also consider the kind of responses for each of the question types, the relation between focus and interrogatives and the functions of polar questions.
1.1 The Egba People
Originally, the Egba had no particular distinguishing characteristics from other Yoruba people and they were not known to have participated in any war until a man from one of their villages, Lisabi, set up a militia group called Olorogun, putting some of their men in harms way in a revolt against the Alaafin of Oyo who was their despotic sovereign. The military success that followed, the increasing confidence and consequent persecution of the people contributed in their self-awareness.
The Egba people did not live together as they now do in Abeokuta. Their tribe consisted of over a hundred villages clustered within a territory stretching from River Oba from the north to EbuteMetta on the south and from Osun River on the east to Ipokira with Yewa River on the west. This kingdom was divided into four principal provinces; Ake, Oke-Ona, Gbagura and Owu. Each of these provinces have their own Oba but it appears Alake of Ake enjoys the primacy of them all due to reasons which included the relationship shared with a old time Alake, brother to Alaafin of the time, with whom their mother lived. The mother, Omonide (probably also called Ejo) died and was buried in Ake. Every new Alaafin for this reason sends many valuables to Ake, thereby inferring the importance of the province among others. The position of the Alake in Abeokuta was to be statutorily confirmed in 1898 with the promulgation of Egba United Government, which was at the time one of the very few independent African states during the European scramble for Africa. Oke-Ona and the Gbagura people are Egba too, but it is the fourth which made the so-called four corners of the town that shows a curious array. They are not Egba originally, but they have shared so much history with the Egba that they can be admissibly called one. Owu, like Ake have an ancestor that was close to Oduduwa, the accepted father of the Yoruba. Olowu, their progenitor was grandson of Oduduwa. They have initially fallen under the rulership of Alaafin like almost all other Yoruba tribes because Alaafin Oranyan, although the last born, had inherited the most political element of their father, Oduduwa, thereby achieving superiority from the start.
Whatever it is that distinguishes the people of Abeokuta from other Yoruba people should be originated from their early exposure to the benevolent strain of the British stock. Their 19th Century statesman, Sodeke had foresightedly approved of missionary activities. The early settlers from Sierra Leone came to Abeokuta and even attempted to control the affairs of Lagos from there. The setback brought about by the Ifole Uprising in which foreigners were expelled from the town however, brought a check to the people’s progress. The Egbas were intellectually in the forefront and way ahead of other Yoruba groups till after the mid 20th Century.
