WILL THE CHINESE LEARNING INITIATIVE EVOKE THE LONG-AWAITED FIFTH MODERNIZATION?

Whenever scholars write about reforms in curriculum or teaching they often shine the spotlight on schools and schoolteachers. Education in formal settings is an important vehicle for responding to globalization. But in a vast and differentiated nation of 1.3 billion citizens, educational reform in China has more to do with learning-out-of-school than listening to (often tyrannical and didactic) schoolteachers. Knowing the importance of learning in out-of-school settings, the Chinese Communist Party (led by Hu Jintao since November, 2002) is building learning streets, neighborhoods, and cities in an effort to make China a more caring, humane, open, and advanced society. After centuries of isolation, and a hundred years of war, revolution, famine, and struggle, China is attempting to become a harmonious learning society. In China, lifelong education means nurturing human and social capital. But to what extent are social democratic notions of lifelong education congruent with life in a Communist Party-state of 1.3 billion people? Purpose The purposes of this study are twofold. First, we demonstrate curriculum reforms can involve more than formal educational settings. Second, we provide a constructive appraisal of China’s learning initiative. These purposes were achieved by: * Analyzing the socio-historical and conceptual foundations of Chinese notions of learning streets, neighborhoods, towns, and cities * Identifying key elements in the Chinese learning initiative * Analyzing critical impediments to the Chinese learning initiative Methodology This study involved document analysis and informal opportunistic qualitative research methods. In 2004 and 2005, the authors made four trips to China during which they collected extensive data about the learning initiative. Revealing details arose at conferences and Party banquets. While acknowledging Terrill’s (2003) warnings about the seductions of Chinese hospitality, the authors found themselves seated next to high Party officials and appreciated the opportunity for free talk. Documents Documents informing this work included a book by the Dalian Party School (Huai & Wei, 2004), Cheng’s (2004) collection on Jiu Jiang learning city, Proceedings of Party conferences held at Zhabei (2004) and Jiu Jiang (2004), and a university conference in Shanghai (East China Normal, 2005). The authors also obtained back issues of Study Times, a Communist Party weekly, and secured Chinese-language histories of learning and adult education in Shanghai (Fang, 1991; Wang, Li, & Fang, 1991). The authors worked with Chinese and English language materials. People At conferences sponsored by municipal governments and the Central Party School, the authors collected papers and interviewed presenters (who were high-level or local Party officials or practitioners). One did the talking; the other one took notes. Interviews were conducted with: * Mayors and deputy mayors at a national Communist Party conference * Veteran adult education cadres residing in Shanghai or Jiangsu * Officials in the Beijing Central School of the Communist Party * Publicity officials in Jiu Jiang, the learning city * Publicity officials from Lushan, the learning mountain * University professors * Editors of scholarly j oumals * Activists animating learning projects and programs * Executive Director of the Chinese Adult Education Association * A member of the Fuj ian People’s Congress * Editors and staff of Study Times, the newspaper of the Central Party School Several face-to-face meetings were followed by telephone interviews. There were formal interviews in Beijing, Shanghai, Jiangxi, and Guangdong. These lasted from 15 minutes to several hours. At a national Party conference, the authors took advantage of the presence of several hundred mayors and high Party officials from all over China (Boshier, 2004).