CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
The conduct of free and fair election is one of the cardinal features of democracy. Thus, democratic states across the world have not only made the conduct of periodic elections into various positions of authority a norm, they have gone further to give it constitutional backings thereby making it a law. However, observations show that the quality of elections in mass developing countries have often fallen short of international standards, hence undermining the very essence of conducting democratic elections which is to give legitimacy to governance.
In Nigeria for instance aside from the aborted June 12, 1993 presidential election, all other elections so far conducted by the various election manage mend bodies have been embodied in diverse forms of electoral male practices and irregularities. In fact, electoral tribunals and other courts of competent jurisdiction have in many instances either canalled election either to adjudged to be free and fair. While the courts have in some instances ordered the conduct of free election, theme have been cases where the court and order given for him to be sworn-in like the case of Adams Oshiomole of Edo State. These situations do not only question the credibility of the nation’s electoral process and the election management body, but also cast a shodour on the legitimacy of winners of such elections.
This ugly situation which is not only peculiar to Nigeria but is also wide-spread in other African countries as well as in less-developed democracies in Europe, the Americas and Asia raised the imperative for advanced democracies and institutions to establish or organizations which embark on election observation in less-developed democratic nations. Expectedly, the primary objective of Foreign Election Observers (FEO) is to serve as impartial watchdogs who will assess whether the outlets of an election truly reflect the will of the people. Although Foreign Election Observers do not directly prevent total fraud, their unbiased reports, criticisms and recommendations go long way to provide a foundation from which to govern, reducing the scope and propensity for non- democratic challenges to governance. This go a long way to strengthen democratic culture across the world. This has been the scenario in Nigeria’s history of democratic practice especially since the advent of the fourth republic.
Against this backdrop, this study therefore examines the role of Foreign Election Observers in the conduct of free and fair election in Nigeria with particular focus on fair election in Nigeria with particular focus on the 2011 and 2015 general elections.
- STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Scholars have written extensively on the conduct offee and fair elections in Nigeria, the role of INEC in the conduct of credible elections in Nigeria, as well as a host of other related topics. However, not much has been devoted to examining the role of Foreign Election Observers in the conduct of the 2011 and 2015 elections which were adjudged to be free and fair and credible as compared to previous elections.
For instance, Oladimeyi and Olatunji (2013) in their critical appraisal of the 2011 general elections discussed extensively on the efficiency of INEC in its preparations for the 2011 elections, its ability to ensure compliance to electoral laws by political parties and actors, and the level of synergy between INEC, security agencies and other institutions, using the system theory and the decision-making as their theoretical framework of analysis, they argued that when compared with past elections, the 2011 elections were relatively credible, free and fair. Nevertheless, they have also identified several shortcomings that characterized the 2011 elections. These according to part of INEC, undemocratic imposition of candidates by all the leading political parties and various security lapses during and after the elections. In all of these, Oladimeji and Olatunji in their work did not take into cognizance the pivoted role played by Foreign Election observers in the credible conduct of the election.
Similarly, Abdulahi (2913), Oriji (2015) Moveh (2013), Odunayo (2015), Zega (2011), Jega (2015), Thurston (2015)Irem (2015), and Onapaso (2015) have also committed the same act of omission in their various works. On the other hand, scholars like Hyde (2017), Kelley (2008), and Mangueira (2012) have in their respective works critically examined on a general broad perspective the place of Foreign election Observers in strengthening or thwarting democratic development in less developed countries. They however did not vividly examined the subject matter as it affects the 2011 and 2015 general elections in Nigeria.
Furthermore, in their attempt to analyze Nigeria’s electoral process and the role of Foreign Election Observers, scholars have deployed a number of theories except the behaviouralist theory which they deem fit to explain electoral conduct in Nigeria. Unfortunately, their efforts through highly commendable is theoretical flamed as it fails to address a very important variable of Nigeria’s electoral process which concerns the behavioral patterns of the political actors. This is in addition to the fact that previous studies have not actually contextualized the place or role of F.E.O in the conduct of free and fair election in Nigeria. This gap in knowledge therefore raises the following research questions.
- Did the influence of Foreign Election Observers Impact in any way on the conduct of the 2011 and 2015 general election?
- Is the behavioural patternsf Nigeria’s political actors a factor in Nigeria’s elections?
These questions which beg for answers constitute the problem of this study which has necessitated this research.
