CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
BACKGROUND OF STUDY
The end of the Cold War gave a major boost to the democratic movement in Africa. Multi- party democracy with its dominant feature of conducting periodic elections thus became prominent on the continent. This was the period when international financial support especially from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), became conditional in order to deny autocratic governments easy access to financial support unless they adopted and adapted to democracy. This wave of democratisation in the late 1980s and early 1990s accelerated the pace of autocratic regimes that were pro-communist in various parts of Africa to embrace political reforms and Ghana was not an exception. The motivation for most African autocratic leaders was to succumb to this international pressure for continued Western funding.
Multi-party elections became more pronounced in Africa during the 1990s than ever before. According to Hyde and Marinove (2012), a total of 151 multi-party elections were organised in Africa between 1945 and 1990. By the end of 2000, the number of countries holding regular multi-party elections had quadrupled compared to the Cold War era (Van de Walle, 2002). Almost eighty percent (80%) of the elections conducted were won by incumbent parties and nearly two-thirds of these were considered not to have been free and fair. It brought to light that majority of the multi-party elections conducted flouted democratic standards.
The conduct of elections is an inextricable component of democratic system of governance. Elections represent the most feasible institutionalized approach for ensuring the rule of the people by the people and for the people (Lindberg, 2006). Through elections citizens can exercise their political rights of alternating or endorsing a particular political administration. Article 21 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that, “the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of governments as expressed in periodic and genuine elections”. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) also provides that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity to vote and be elected at genuine periodic elections” (Heyns, Killander; 2007).
In the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, Article 42 states that “every citizen of Ghana of eighteen years of age or above and of sound mind has the right to vote and is entitled to be registered as voter for the purposes of public elections and referenda”. This underscores voting in an election as both a political and civic right for every citizen of a country when elections are organised. Globally, the outcome of elections varies. Some are desirable, others are not. For example, the outcome of elections in some Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Philippines and Malaysia were characterised with violence leading to loss of human lives, property, injuries and chaos. In the Philippines 75 people were killed prior to the May 2007 elections, while 80 others were wounded in election violence (Atuobi, 2008).
Some countries on the African continent are not exempted; Zimbabwe, Kenya (2007/ 2008), Uganda, Ethiopia, Chad, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Cote d’lvoire (2011) have experienced election violence. In the case of the 2003 Nigerian Federal Elections, at least one hundred people were killed and several were injured. About six hundred people were reported killed
in the December 2007 presidential election violence in Kenya following disputes over the results (Cyllah, 2010: 5).
Ghana has undergone six (6) major successive elections since 1992 to 2012. These have been internationally acclaimed by countries, institutions and personalities as being free and fair. Although these successive elections have been recognised as free and fair by both local and international election observers, election related violence is not entirely absent. There have been eyewitness accounts and several reports of election violence in Ghana in each of these elections (Ghana Election Reports, 1992 – 2012). Instances of these were reported by the immediate past chairman of the Electoral Commission, Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan. He noted: “as a result of vandalism which occurred in certain constituencies after the December 7, 2004, balloting, the results in those constituencies were slow in arriving at the head office for collation” (Elections Report, 2004: 50).
There have also been incidences of violence and mob actions reported in “Pru District in the Brong Ahafo Region, Tamale Central, Tamale North, Saboba, Zabzugu/Tatale constituencies in the Northern region”. (Election Report, 2004). Similar cases of violence were recorded in some areas of the Upper West Region. At Busa, a community in the Wa Municipality for example, violence erupted leading to burning of a motor bike and injury of people. (Elections report, 2004). Also in the 2008 elections, “the district electoral officer for Krachi West in the Volta Region was held at gun point by a group of men known to be party foot soldiers to hand over the elections results and the materials to them”. (Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, Intermediate Workshop for Election Administrators, 2010, Ho).
The phenomenon of election related violence is becoming a serious challenge in our electoral process. Some politicians use it as a method of campaign, causing fears and intimidation among their opponents’ strongholds. Electoral outcomes in some African countries such as Zanzibar, South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria and Cote d’Ivoire have reported high electoral violence episodes whilst others like Cameroon, Liberia, DR Congo and Gambia have witnessed low intensity violation and intimidation of both candidates and voters (The Nordic Africa Institute, 2012/2013). Considering the manifestations of election violence in Ghana even though of low intensity, in comparison with the massive destruction of valuable human, natural and capital resources as experienced by some African countries, it is necessary not to ignore these cases. Ghana’s democratic consolidation will be marred if the underlying issues are not addressed with a sense of urgency.
STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
The electoral process in many African states has been characterised by violence, which have assumed an unprecedented magnitude with multiple negative implications for democratic stability and consolidation on the continent. Societies where electoral violence has occurred has claimed human lives and affected neighbouring states by displacing large border populations, introducing humanitarian crisis and increasing the circulation of small arms as well as armed violence which may contribute to political instability in already volatile regions.
Ghana has equally experienced election violence in its electoral processes. There have been threats and intimidation; physical assault of voters, electoral officials and supporters of rival parties; burning and looting of property; seizure of ballot boxes by “macho men” and unemployed youth; and direct clashes between opposing party supporters (Jockers et al.,
2009; IRIN, 2008). Nonetheless these manifestations of violence in Ghana are localized in nature and have not degenerated into armed conflict as reported in some African countries like Nigeria, Kenya, Zambia, Zimbabwe just to mention a few. But electoral violence has been a recurring issue that continues to push Ghana towards the brink of all- out violence each election year. Hence all will not be well, if the drivers of election related violence are not urgently arrested.
This research therefore, seeks to investigate into why Ghana has not experienced the degeneration of electoral violence into armed conflict as manifested in some African countries.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The main objective of the study is to assess electoral violence in Ghana. The key objectives to look at will include the following
- To examine the factors that account for the recurrence of electoral violence in Ghana.
- To investigate into why electoral violence in Ghana has not degenerated into armed conflict.
- To address measures to forestall the recurrence of electoral violence in Ghana’s future elections.
- To review the impact of electoral violence on the consolidation of democracy in Ghana and Africa as a whole.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The following research questions will guide the study to find answers to the research question.
- What factors account for the recurrence of electoral violence in Ghana’s fourth republic?
- Why has electoral violence in Ghana not degenerated into armed conflict?
- What measures can be put in place to forestall electoral violence in Ghana’s future elections?
- What impact does electoral violence have on the consolidation of democracy in Ghana and Africa as a whole?
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
INTRODUCTION
The most salient feature distinguishing a democratic order from other political forms is that, under democratic rules, political leaders are thought of as representatives of the sovereign people as they are elected by, and derive their authority from the people (Manin etall. 1999). In this regard the relationship between democracy and citizens’ participation is demonstrated by using election as a tool which ensures participation. Thus, the ultimate principle underlying a liberal democracy is that political leaders ought to be elected by the majority of the people through free, fair and transparent elections. This is critical because elections represent the most feasible institutionalized approach for ensuring the rule of the people by the people and for the people (Lindberg, 2006). Therefore, elections are closely linked with the principle of political equality which is widely considered as the “core principle of democracy” (Heywood, 2002:69). However, while they are central to the process of democratic stability and longevity, elections can also serve as catalysts for armed conflicts and democratic reversals (African Union, 2010).
This chapter will focus on the concept and theory of democracy and definitions within available literature. Secondly, a critical discussion on the theory of elections and also standards and requirements of electoral systems as well as the understanding of the environment in which elections must be conducted for purposes of election sustainability and consolidation of democracy.
Finally, there would be a discussion on the concept and theory of elections and electoral violence.
CONCEPT AND THEORY OF DEMOCRACY
There are multiple ways of defining “democracy” depending on the ideals envisaged when defining democracy. Abraham Lincoln in his famous Gettysburg Address defined democracy as “the government of the people, by the people and for the people” (cited in Oquaye 2004: 60). From Lincoln’s definition, democracy means ruling in the interest and with the power of citizens. “A political system is defined as democratic to the extent that its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote.” Huntington 1984:195).
The competition for votes should be done in a civilised way with the exchange of ideas, policies and programmes as to how one is capable of managing the affairs of a country. As a people driven enterprise, democratization retains its meaning, essence, substance and relevance provided it accords the people, irrespective of ideological and /or identity affiliations, adequate recognition in shaping issues of governance of their own affairs. Thus, through the electoral process, electorates are able to participate in governance. This requires that the electoral process must be of high integrity, measured in terms of its degree of
adherence to the electoral laws, openness, transparency, accountability, competition and participation. Any attempt to prevent the electoral process against these virtues may serve to engender electoral violence (Laakso 2007).
THE CONCEPT AND THEORY OF ELECTIONS AND ELECTORAL VIOLENCE
The origins of election(s) can be historically traced to ancient Greece and Rome. In Rome, the selection of Popes and Holy Roman emperors was achieved by means of elections. The same process was employed in the selection of caliphate in the ancient Arabian states after death of the Holy Prophet Mohammed. However, the emergence of indirect or representative democracy from direct or classical democracy could not be without elections. The history of contemporary elections dates back to the 17th century where Europe and North America practiced representational democracy (Nasiru. A 2009:17).
Elections are a process through which citizens choose who will represent them in government or what will be done about a particular issue (Nasiru A; 2009:20). Thus, elections are combination of acts and procedures aimed at choosing or selecting among various candidates, members of parliament and the head of state by the electorate. Elections do not only allow for political competition, participation and legitimacy but also permit peaceful change of power, thereby making it possible to expect accountability from those who govern. This is why it is often argued that “elections facilitate communication between the government and the governed and also have symbolic purposes by giving voice to the public” (Hoglund 2006:4).
When political rights are exercised through electoral choices that citizens make, they confer authority on government and the institution of democracy while ensuring at the same time
their resilience, credibility, and stability (Ninsin, 2006: 187). Therefore, elections serve as a critical instrument for conflict prevention and peace building through the facilitation of peaceful transfers of power from one political party to another. This helps to minimize the violence and general state of instability that often characterize undemocratic means of assuring political power, such as military coup d’état, while elections are central to the process of democratic stability and longevity. It can also serve as catalysts for armed conflicts and democratic reversals (African Union, 2010). In Africa, due to the high stakes attached to political power, elections are characterised by fierce competition, exhibited by supporters of political parties or candidates who have the tendency to resort to violence in order to promote the interest of their political parties. They undertake this action considering the rewards at stake for them should the other emerge winners from the elections.
