CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Background
The Irish republican army is a radical terrorist group formed in 1969 as a clandestine military wing of Sinn Fein the legal political movement dedicated to remove the British forces from North Ireland and unify Ireland. The Irish Republican Army has a history of violence including bombings, assassinations, kidnapping, extortion and robberies. Since breaking the cease fire agreement in 1996 the Irish Republican Army has been on a bombing Campaign against trains and subway stations , shopping areas in mainland Britain and military Targets in Northern Ireland and the European Continent . Between 1969 and 1999(Kristin Archick, 2014), almost 3,500 people died as a result of political violence in Northern Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom (UK). The conflict, which has its origins in the 1921 division of Ireland and is often referred to as ―the troubles,(Kristin Archick, 2014)‖ has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and religious identities. Protestants in Northern Ireland (48%) largely define themselves as British and support continued incorporation in the UK . Catholics in Northern Ireland (45%) consider themselves Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland . More militant unionists are often termed loyalists, while more militant nationalists are referred to as republicans. In the past, loyalists and republicans have been willing to use force to achieve their goal.
In the islamic states of Syria and Iraq. It is a political and military organization that holds a radical interpretation of Islam as a political philosophy and seeks to impose that worldview by force on Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Expelled from al-Qaeda for being too extreme, the Islamic State claims to be the legitimate ruler of all Sunni Muslims worldwide. They have established what they regard as a state which includes large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, governed from Raqqa in Syria. Originally founded by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and known as Al- Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), what is now the Islamic State participated in the Iraq War fighting against American forces after the fall of Saddam Hussein. In 2013 they joined the Syrian Civil War, but rather than focus on defeating the regime of Bashar al- Assad, they focused on building their
Islamic state. Throughout late 2013 and early 2014, ISIS built its power base in Syria, establishing its stronghold in Raqqa, which it was able to take total control over after ousting all other rebel groups. Despite a counterattack by other factions sparked by its brutal tactics, ISIS was able to hold its positions and consolidate its power base. They effectively imposed control over areas by empowering their allies and crushing their enemies. Policies of divide and rule in fractious tribal areas helped them to sustain their hold on territory. On June 29, 2014, the first day of Ramadan, ISIS declared itself a caliphate and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as Caliph Ibrahim, calling for the immediate loyalty of all Muslims throughout the world. (http://pietervanostaeyen.wordpress.com/2014/06/29/the-islamic-state-restores-the-caliphate)
The arrival of the Lord‘s Resistance Army (LRA) in Sudan in 1993–94 marked the beginning of more than a decade of fighting involving Ugandans on Sudanese soil. This development had an impact on both the Sudanese civil war and the war in Uganda, isolating large parts of Sudan‘s Eastern Equatoria state from outside help and causing thousands to flee. The LRA had ventured into Sudan in the early 1990s to seek refuge from the fighting in Uganda. By 1993, the Sudanese government of Omar al-Bashir had turned the LRA into a significant actor in Khartoum‘s efforts to crush the southern rebellion. Moving into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 2005, the LRA became a genuine threat to regional security. (Finnstrom,2003). The LRA is one of the most notorious rebel armies in the world. Under the command of Joseph Kony and his second-in-command Vincent Otti, the group has been an armed opponent of the Government of Uganda and President Yoweri Museveni since 1987. Breathtaking brutality, political maneuvering, and propaganda have marked the conflict on all sides. The LRA has fought this war with ruthless attacks and abductions, and the Government of Uganda has responded with structural violence on a grand scale against the people of northern Uganda. Northern and parts of eastern Uganda have been systematically marginalized. Warfare tactics on the government side consisted of forcing the entire population in these areas into so-called protected villages, which are in reality displacement camps with inhumane conditions. This move has destroyed traditional structures and interrupted development (Finnstrom, 2003). Furthermore, there are numerous reports of violence by the Ugandan army against civilians in the region (Otunnu, 2006).
In May 1999 Nigeria‘s return to civil rule was accompanied by fresh hopes and latent optimism.(C.jaja and jude odigbo , 2013) This optimism is predicated on the fact that democracy
would guarantee freedom, liberty, equity and enhance security of lives and property, which would indeed reposition development trajectories to sustainability. Regrettably this optimism seems to be a mirage. Nigeria is presently rated as one of the poorest Nations in the world with debilitating youth unemployment.(Aganga 2009) Majority of the population seem to lack access to pipe borne water, health care facilities, electricity and affordable quality education. Amidst these development challenges, the security situation in the country deteriorated drastically. Nigeria‘s return to democratic rule is threatened by security disaster. Arguably, considerable progress has been made in the areas of freedom of speech and liberty, but series of resource based conflict (Niger Delta), ethno-religious crisis (Jos crisis), and communal conflicts persisted. The climax of these security threats is the insurgence of a group called Boko Haram in the Northern Nigeria. Thus, a considerable effort to end the violence and build peace to steer the economy to sustainability seems far from realization. The basic questions are: why development has continued to elude Nigeria in spite of numerous amounts of human and material resources? To what extent has security crisis impacted or contributed negatively to development in Nigeria? Is Boko Haram really a threat to development in Nigeria? These pertinent though complex questions need urgent attention especially now that Nigeria is struggling to be among twentieth one of the most developed countries in 2020. It is against this backdrop that this study tries to address the interface between security and development in Nigeria. Particularly, it seeks to establish that insecurity is a major impediment to development in Nigeria with a particular reference to Boko Haram‘s activities.
.
- STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
. The increasing spread of non-moral activities of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria and the destruction of lives and property is a serious issue that could not be dismissed with a wave of hand. The group caught the attention of international community following series of violent attacks in Nigeria since July 2009 and specifically with the attack on the United Nations building at Abuja in 2011. The sect, having no clear structure or known chain of command was responsible conservatively for the death of over 1200 people (Jimmoh, 2011). A major function of a good government is to guarantee the security of lives and property. This explains why the early philosophers observe that people give up part of their rights to a sovereign
leader who is charged with the responsibility of ensuring their security. The demonstrated inability of the Federal Government to curb the insurgence in spite of repeated assurance motivates this study.
- OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The general objective of this project is to examine the challenges posed by Boko-Haram insurgency to national security . The specific objectives are:
- To examine the factors that encouraged the growth and the spread of Boko-Haram sect.
- To ascertain ideology and funding as the fundamental factor that propelled Boko haram activities in Nigeria.
- To critically evaluate the government efforts in addressing the issues associated with the Boko haram insurgency. .
- To analyze the challenges of Boko Haram to national security and development
- To make recommendations and implementation strategies checking Boko Haram insurgency and ensuring security.
- RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The basic questions which this research work seeks to answer are:
- To what extent has boko haram activities impacted on development in Northern Nigeria?
- what are the consequences of boko haram activities on national security?
- What strategies could be adopted to minimize or neutralize the impact of this instability on Nigeria‘s national security?
- What measures were taken by the government to combat the issues of Boko haram?
- Does the ideology of the Boko haram sect justify their activities?
- SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of this study is to highlight the activities the Boko haram in North eastern Nigeria and to educate people on it.. This study can thus serve as guide to understanding the Islamic sect in Nigeria as well as a potentially guide for the policymakers on how to approach and tackle the issue of Boko haram not only in Nigeria but also in the neighboring countries . As a student of intelligence and security it will help me gain knowledge on Nigeria‘s security issues that has been for sometimes that has been the major problem Nigeria as a country is face. Finally, (by expanding the body of knowledge and analysis on Boko haram) it can be a resource material to other researchers and scholars for future research on similar issues.
- SCOPE OF STUDY
This study basically focuses on the activities of the boko haram sect in northern Nigeria and the implications of such activities on national security and development. It covers the period between 2011 to 2014, a period within which the activities of Boko Haram became more pronounced in North Eastern Nigeria.
- LIMITATION
The main limitation of this project is my inability to have real and first hand interviews with current or even former members of Boko Haram. This is because Boko Haram is still an on- going threat and as such even going to the Northern Part of Nigeria remains a risk. Another basic limitation rests on the collection and availability of data especially with regards to Boko Haram attacks. While some of the sites are locked and others have some earlier information removed, there was also the grave limitation posed by inaccuracy by different sources (news outfits) with regards to an attack or the number of dead or injured. And my inability to get raw facts and data about the Islamic sect from various security agencies because they are classified as top secrets.
In order to make my project valuable I tend to make use of the materials I got from the internet, newspapers, published books and questionnaire.
- RESARCH HYPOTHESIS
In accordance with research questions and founded on emperical verifications deducded from the research study, I hypothesize this:-
- Ideology and funding is not the fundamental factors that propelles the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria
- The Boko Haram crisis seems to pose a threat to the economy and its citizens of Nigeria.
- The military seems to be the best option in tackling the boko haram crisis in Nigeria.
- ORGANISATION OF STUDY
The first chapter of this study will give the background of the study. It includes the statement of problem, research questions, objectives of study, the significance of the study.
The second chapter will contain literature review only, which will be other articles written by other writers on this particular subject matter or in a way related.
The third chapter is the methodology analysis. Methods used in gathering data for the study .
The fourth chapter is the over view (main body), in this chapter the subject matter will be fully broaden.
The fifth and final chapter will contain solutions, recommendations and conclusion. DEFINITION OF TERMS
Boko-Haram: A militant movement committed to the establishment of an Islamic state in Northern Nigeria, which reject all things called western and has been since the last decade unleashing mayhem on citizens and security personnel and public properties in Nigeria.
National Security: This has to do with freedom from danger or threats to a nation‘s stability to protect itself, promote its cherished values and legitimate interest, and enhance the well-being of its people.
Terrorism: this is the use of violent action in order to achieve political aims or to force the government to act.
CHAPTER 2
- LITERATURE REVIEW
- Security
The concept ‗ security‘ generally, is a crosscutting, and multi-dimensional concept which has, over the last century, been the subject of great debate. However, long before that, the history of mankind was interspersed by the frenzied search for the best way of ensuring the security of the people, their properties, territories, states and institutions among others. In all places and countries, security has been considered as a ―first order value‖ worth preserving. The aforementioned notwithstanding, there is no consensus on the definition of security. This is not surprising because as a social phenomenon, it is often approached from different perspectives. Security has been seen as a situation where a person or thing is not exposed to any form of danger or risk of physical or moral aggression, accident, theft or deterioration.
Some security experts argued that the concept of security has always been associated with the safety and survival of the state and its citizens from harm or destruction or from dangerous threats. Those conceptions generally hold that the state is the only institution with the primary responsibility and power for the safety of its territory and its people (Zabadi, 2005).
- National security
National Security The concept of ― national security ‖ is often misunderstood says (Wolfer, 1962) and as such elusive says (Carey, 2000). Hence a strange phenomenon, a subjective
―felling‖, and therefore relational and relatives, rather than an objective ―thing‖ than can be seen and handled. However, National security is the requirement to maintain the survival of the state through the use of economic, diplomacy, power projection and political power. The concept developed mostly in the United States of America after World War II. Initially focusing on military might; it now encompasses a broad range of facets, all of which impinge on the non military or economic security of the nation and the values espoused by the national society.
Accordingly, in order to possess national security, a nation needs to possess economic security, energy security, environmental security, etc. Security threats involve not only conventional foes such as other nation-states but also non-state actors such as violent non-state actors, narcotic
cartels, multinational corporations and non-governmental organizations; some authorities include natural disasters and events causing severe environmental damage in this category. Measures taken to ensure national security include: using diplomacy to rally allies and isolate threats; marshalling economic power to facilitate or compel cooperation; maintaining effective armed forces; implementing civil defense and emergency preparedness measures (including anti- terrorism legislation); ensuring the resilience and redundancy of critical infrastructure; using intelligence services to detect and defeat or avoid threats and espionage, and to protect classified information; using counterintelligence services or secret police to protect the nation from internal threats.
Generally, Braithwaite (1988) quoting the encyclopedia of the social sciences defines national security as ―ability of a nation to protect its internal values from external threat‖. Also, Lipmann defines it by stating that ―a nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate interest to avoid war, and is able, if challenged, to maintain them by war‖. Morgenthau (1948) posits that national security and national interests are inter-related; where the former is seen in terms of power and therefore is the essence of politics.
Imobigbe (1981) refers to it as the defense and survival of the state. The danger of looking at national security from this narrow angle according to Nweke (1988) is three-fold; but we shall concern ourselves with the first two: First is the tendency to equate ―defense‖ with ―security‖ and to bestow undue responsibilities to the military as if the armed forces alone are the guardians of national security. This tendency in turn creates in the minds of the armed forces that it is only through them that security, stability and progress can be achieved. Secondly, national security has been used by civilian statesmen as political rhetorics or slogan for rallying the citizens in the face of perceived internal or external threats to the governments in power and for bolstering their local influence and political base (Adebayo, 1986).
Dyke (1966), concludes that there is no doubt that national security embodies the sovereignty of the state, the inviolability of its territorial boundaries, and the right to individual and collective self-defense against internal and external threats. But the state is secure only when the aggregate of people organized under it has a consciousness of belonging to a common sovereign political community; enjoy equal political freedom, human rights, economic opportunities, and when the state itself is able to ensure independence in its development and foreign policy.
Freedman‘s (1998) view is that once anything generates anxiety or threatens the quality of life in some respect, it is thus labeled a ―security problem‖. The notion of economic security thus encourages a confrontational approach to trace policy, while that of ―environmental security‖ has often served more to confuse than to clarify by encouraging a search for adversaries.
- Boko Haram
Boko Haram is a religious Islamic sect that came into the limelight in 2002 when the presence of the radical Islamic sect was first reported in Kanama (Yobe state) and also in Gwoza (Borno state). ―Boko Haram,‖ which in the local Hausa language means ―Western education is forbidden,‖ officially calls itself ―Jama‟atul Alhul Sunnah Lidda‟wati wal Jihad,‖ which means
―people committed to the propagation of the Prophet‟s teachings and jihad‖(Meehan and Speier 2011).
Beyond religious explanations, Boko Haram could be arguably described as a ähome-grown‟ terrorist group that romances with some desperate politicians in the North. It appears that the sect enjoys effective support from some well-to-do individuals, religious leaders, allies, admirers of their ideology and highly placed politicians in the North who claim to be Nigerians but are clandestinely working against the State. For instance, Lister, (2012), observed that it is no longer a sect of Islamic fanatics but has the support of disgruntled politicians and their paid thugs (cited in Adagba,Ugwu and Eme, 2012).
Recently, revelations and security investigations into the activities of the sect tend to affirm that the group is also sponsored from within the country. This simultaneously transpire within the period when a serving Senator from the North is on trial for aiding the activities of Boko Haram. Thus, a senior official of Boko Haram allegedly granted an interview detailing how the sect had been on the payroll of a few governors of the North (Adagba etal, 2012). Thus, Boko Haram seems to be a destructive political tool with a cosmetic pretension of being religious. The bombing of Nigeria Police Force Headquarters‟ in Abuja on June 16, 2011, the U.N house in Abuja on August 26, 2011 and other high profile bombings attest to this assertion.
Nigeria does not seem to have suffering only the economic setbacks caused by Boko Haram‟s bombings but also suffers from the battered image and humanitarian disaster the group inflicted on her. For instance, between July 27, 2009 and February 17, 2012, Boko Haram has launched
fifty three (53) attacks in which 1157 people were killed and hundreds of people injured in the Northern Nigeria (adapted from a graph in Adagba etal, 2012). This indiscriminate and sporadic bombing seem to make Northern Nigeria increasingly unsafe and has compelled most non- indigenes of the region to relocate especially the Igbos. This phobia of being attacked especially in cities like Kano, Kaduna, Maiduguri, Jalingo and Yola was responsible for the exodus of people from the North to other parts of the country as witnessed in the last few months. According to Idika, in a press statement.
- Boko Haram organization/structure
Boko Haram‘s origin seems to lies in a group of radical Islamist youths who worshipped at the Alhaji Muhammadu Ndimi Mosque in Maiduguri a decade ago hence in 2002, an offshoot of this youth group (not yet known as Boko Haram) declared the city and the Islamic establishment to be intolerably corrupt and irredeemable. Thus the group declared that it was embarking on hijra (a withdrawal along the lines of the Prophet Muhammad‘s withdrawal from Mecca to Medina). It moved from Maiduguri to a village called Kanama, Yobe state, near the border with Niger, to set up a separatist community run on hard-line Islamic principles. Its leader, Mohammed Ali, espoused antistatic ideology and called on other Muslims to join the group and return to a life under ―true‖ Islamic law, with the aim of making a more perfect society away from the corrupt establishment.
The above assertion cannot be said to be correct as there are conflict in the literature as to the actual date of origin and formation as well as the leadership of the Boko Haram sect hence Alozieuwa (2012) documented that the confusion not only reflects in the narratives about the exact date, and who the actual founder was, but also as to the true source of these expositions. For instance, Adibe (2012), has observed that while the popular belief is that it was founded around 2001 or 2002, Madike, traced the date to as far back as 1995, and argues that, one Lawan Abubakar, who later left for further studies at the University of Medina, Saudi Arabia, actually founded the Boko Haram sect. Under Abubakar, the sect was known as Sahaba, (Madike 2011 cited in Adibe, 2012: 50). Elsewhere, these expositions are credited to Shehu Sani, a civil right activist in northern Nigeria, who helped broker the first peace deal with the sect which failed (Businessday, online, February 1, 2012). While Uzodike and Maiangwa on the other hand acknowledge the Lawan Abubakar angle, they attribute their source to Ujah et al. in Uzodike and
Maiangwa, 2012: 100). They also acknowledge Gusau‘s (2009) version which traced the origin to an evangelical group formed by Muslim students at the University of Maiduguri, Borno state, who reportedly felt dissatisfied with Western education (Uzodike and Maiangwa, 2012: 100).
He furthered that Muhammed Yusuf to whom the formation is now generally ascribed to, according to the competing narratives only assumed leadership after Abubakar‘s departure and
―indoctrinated the sect with his own teachings, which he claimed were based on purity‖ (Adibe, 2012: 50). Yussuf‘s notion of ―purity‖ and teachings were inspired by the works of Ibn Taymiyya, a fourteenth century legal scholar who preached Islamic fundamentalism and is considered a “major theorist” for radical groups in the Middle East (Johnson, 2011), after whom Yussuf named his mosque in Maiduguri (The Nation, May 23, 2012). But just as the sect itself may be less concerned about whom to credit for its formation than waging its war against the Nigerian state, the state too may be less concerned with the origin than it is with the threat that the group now poses to national society. The obscurity surrounding its true origin perhaps informs why initially, the sect ―had no specific name as its members attracted several descriptions where they operated based on the perception of the local population‖ (Okereke, 2012: 450). Such names include Taliban and the Yussufiyyah. The sect soon became formally identified as Ahulsunna wal‘jama‘ah Hijra – ‗Congregation of Followers of the Prophet Involved in the Call to Islam and Religious Struggle.‘ The name Boko Haram, to which it is now commonly referred to, derives from the sect‘s anti-Western posturing, literarily meaning
‗Western education/civilization is sin.‘
Narratively, he documented that in the early stages, the Boko Haram sect was widely known to have mobilized its membership from women and children, school drop-outs and unemployed university and polytechnic graduates, most of who tore up their certificates; student members withdrew from school. Okereke posits that ―these recruits were indoctrinated by Yussuf to believe that their state of hopelessness was caused by government which imposed Western education on them and failed to manage the resources of the country to their benefits‖. Although from the outset, the sect‘s mission was to impose the Shari‘a on Nigeria, the leadership went about its preaching peacefully, but not without attracting attention among other Islamic preachers who saw the preaching and interpretation of the Quran as a recipe for violence and an affront to constituted authority. Although incidents of violence have earlier been recorded against the sect,
(Uzodike and Maiangwa, 2012: 102), serious concerns over its violent tendencies grew only after the open confrontation between the sect and the government in July 2009 following the death of Yussuf while in police custody, as well as his father in-law and sect financier, Ustaz Buji Foi, and the incarceration of members by state authorities.
Although Yussuf allegedly drew inspiration from radical Islamist, Ibn Taymiyya, he reportedly resisted some of followers relentless advocate that ―an Islamic state was realizable through preaching and mobilization of the people to reject secularism, by way of taking up arms and fighting to conquer the unbelievers‖; ―Yussuf was said to be against any form of violence, saying it was against the teaching of Islam‖ (Suleiman cited in Uzodike and Maiangwa, 2012: 101). It is, therefore, yet uncertain whether the sect‘s current level of radicalization is a function of the deaths of its initial leadership and subsequent clampdown by the State or the accession to its leadership of the taciturn psychopath, Abubakar Shekua, a Kanuri native, who once boasted “I enjoy killing anyone that God commands me to kill – the way I enjoy killing chickens and rams,” (BBC, online, June 22, 2012). Along with two other top leadership, Abubakar Adam Kambar and Khalid al-Barnawi, Shekau in June 2012 recently made the United States‘ list of international terrorists (Alozieuwa, 2012) hence the use of lethal weapons such as explosives and guns as well as machetes and dagger for the purpose of meting our mayhem to the Nigerian state which has affected her economy adversely considering the high rate of loss of lives and properties.
- Boko Haram Attacks and National Security
In terms of its modus operandi, observers said that the group constructed a ―state within a state,‖ with a cabinet, its own religious police, and a large farm, and attracted more and more people under its roof by offering welfare handouts, food, and shelter. Many of the people the group attracted were refugees from the wars over the border in Chad and jobless Nigerian youths. The source of the group‘s money at this stage of its existence is not clear. Members of the Borno religious establishment say that Yusuf received funds from Salafist contacts in Saudi Arabia following two hajj trips that Yusuf made during this time. Another possible source of funding during this period was donations from wealthy northern Nigerians. In 2006, a wealthy northern businessman was arrested by the State Security Services after a group of children alleged that they had been sent by the group to an al-Qaeda training camp in Mauritania. The
businessman says his donations to the group were an innocent attempt to contribute zakat , an obligation of wealthy Muslims to give charitably.
Strategically, until the June 16, 2011, bombing of the Nigeria Police Headquarters in Abuja, the sect had restricted its terror campaign mostly to the North East part of Nigeria. Remarkably, the attack on the Police Headquarters came barely after the then Inspector-General of Police, IGP, Hafiz Ringim returned from a duty tour of Maiduguri where the sect had just carried out some terror campaign and stated he would soon smoke them out. The sect followed up that attack with the bombing on August 26 of the United Nations House, also in Abuja, a place Shekau described as a ―forum of all the global evil,‖ (Thisday, September 19, 2011). Since then, Boko Haram has either claimed responsibility for or has been credited with most terror activities in the northern part of the country. Its operations have also grown in scale and sophistication (Alozieuwa, 2012).
