Abstract
This study has examined the extent to which the mass media serves as instrument of escalation, generation and de-escalation of religious-related conflicts in the Northern part of Nigeria and the consequent effects of the role of the mass media in the development of the region and the nation as a whole. The secondary sources of data were the main method employed in the collection of data. The study examined critically news reports and analysis, editorials, advertorials and special columns’ contents of some newspapers and news magazines. Also radio broadcasts, television news and International
News Agencies’ reports on ethno-religious conflicts were examined. From the analysis, the study showed that the role of the mass media during the period under study did contribute immensely to the escalation of these conflicts which consequently affected the socio-economic development of northern Nigeria in particular and the nation at large in the past three decades. The study has in addition, established that even in some instances when conflicts arose as a result of other factors, they usually assumed religious colourations thus making them intractable. The study further discovered that the mass media in Nigeria in these instances of reportage of ethno-religious conflicts played roles as diverse as the interests of their owners and editors, geographical locations, ethnic and religious affiliations of the owners or editors. The study therefore recommends a paradigm shift in ethno-religious reportage by the mass media in order to play down conflict situations rather than escalating them in order the promote national development. This is because, conflict generally is complex in nature and so its reportage should be handled with care to avoid the generation and escalation of further conflicts.
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
Conflicts of varying scales and intensities have been witnessed in this century in different parts of the world. It is difficult to ascertain the exact number of these conflicts but it is safe to say that these social unrests have taken a toll on humanity in terms of deaths, displacements and disruption of economic and social activities. Indeed massive violent conflicts on a scale previously unimaginable have come to stare humanity in the face with their attendant adverse effects on the socio-economic development of the society.
Conflicts in general are not new to human societies, they are as old as human society because they have been in existence in all spheres of human life since the beginning of history. According to Otite and Albert, conflicts are necessary characteristics of every human society- a “normal process of interaction particularly in complex societies in which resources are usually scarce” (1). A conflict however, becomes an abnormality when it results to violence. The religious dimension in conflict is also not a new phenomenon, as casual checks of some religious texts reveal accounts of bloody conflicts fought in the name of religion. Religion has the capacity to serve as both a force for good and for evil in violent conflict situations. However, experiences have shown that many of those involved in violent conflict situations have used religion or ethnic identities to rally support, justify their actions and proclaim a “moral superiority” over others. Whereas religion was once the preserve of specialists, it has become the concern of all and sundry including journalists and academics across various areas of study after the New York World Trade Centre terrorists‟ bombing of 11th September, 2001. Nowhere is this shift more significantly witnessed than in the area of religious, ethnic, social, and political conflicts.
Scholars from various areas of study have written so much about conflicts in general and ethno-religious conflicts in particular. It is however worthy of note that many violent conflicts still remain unrecorded. So also, scholars of various fields have proffered solutions to violent conflicts, yet violent conflicts continue to afflict mankind.
Nigeria has recorded bitter experiences of violent conflicts in various forms and ethno-religious conflicts in particular. Since the early 1980s, ethnic and religious crises have become a re-occurring decimal, especially in northern Nigeria. Amongst the 19 states that constitute Northern Nigeria, there is virtually none that has not witnessed one form of conflict or the other. The spate of violence has been on a steady increase. Some of the conflicts include: Maitatsine crises in Kano, 1980, Zuru 1980, Maiduguri 1982, Yola 1984, Ilorin 1984, Bauchi 1984 and Kano 1984. Others are the crises in Kafanchan 1987, Gure Kahugu 1987, Birnin Kebbi 1990, Katsina 1991, Tafawa Balewa 1991, Kano 1991, Jalingo 1992, Kaduna Polytechnic 1992, Kasuwar Magani (Kaduna) 1994, Kaduna 2000, Jos 2001, Kano 2001, Tafawa Balewa (since 2000) and Nasarawa 2001, Jos 2004, 2008 and 2010. There have also been the Chamba-Kuteb crises in Taraba State 2013, Tiv-Jukun crisis 2013, Bassa-
Igbira crisis in Toto 2012 and a host of others.
Ikenga Metuh identified three broad types of religious conflicts, namely: …intra-religious which occur between different denominations or sects; interreligious conflicts prevalent between adherents of different religious beliefs, but capable of assuming socio-ethnic dimension; and inter-religious conflicts which though have socio-economic origin end up in the form of religious conflicts (111-112).
With particular reference to Nigeria, Metuh observes further that most interreligious conflicts usually developed into inter-ethnic conflicts even where and when they begin as purely religious disagreements. The reverse is also often the case that some socio-ethnic or political conflicts are deflected and fought under the interreligious banner (112). Conflicts according to Alemika are “often categorised in terms of their origin, domain of expression and issues or grievances that are canvassed” (3).
However, such categorization according to him
…are not mutually exclusive, because issues that are at stake in any conflict may traverse several domains, culture, ethnicity, religion, economy, politics, race and gender. Nonetheless it is common in the literature to classify intragroup or inter-group antagonism and aggression as class, political, cultural, racial, ethnic and religious conflicts (3).
There are many types of social conflicts. However, in practice it is very difficult to isolate which conflicts are primarily provoked by political, ethnic, religious, cultural or economic factors. Experiences from the past have shown that most violent conflicts result from interplay of ethnic, religious, political, socioeconomic and cultural differences. Therefore, according to Alemika, “classifying the conflicts as solely religious, economic, ethnic, cultural or political may turn out to be misleading” (117). This is because ethnicity and religion are two broad concepts that could be treated on their own merits. In Northern Nigeria however, the two concepts are so interwoven to the extent that conflicts between groups in the region tend to be quickly interpreted as ethnic or religious conflicts. This tendency of not establishing the boundary between ethnic, religious, cultural or political issues especially during moments of conflicts and violence has for want of a better expression been captured by some scholars as “ethno-religious conflicts” (Egwu 4; Alemika 3) or identity conflicts. This study therefore, subsumes religious conflicts in northern Nigeria because in such cases, the ethnic nationalities usually involved are predominantly of one religious group – Christianity or Islam. Thus a religious conflict eventually assumes ethnic dimension and vice-versa.
These concepts of ethnicity, religion, culture and politics are closely associated so much so that the boundary is sometimes difficult to draw. Therefore, the concept “ethno-religious” is used in this thesis to refer to these various identity-based
violent conflicts which are ethnic, political, religious or economic in their manifestations. It is in this sense that the coinage “ethno-religious” is used in this study (Egwu 3).
Nigeria as a nation state has had and continues to have its own share of ethnoreligious conflicts. The first major violent religious conflict in post-colonial Nigeria occurred in Kano between December 18th and 29th 1980. Since then the relative peace and harmony in the country has been shattered. Ostensibly, after several years of independence, one of the major problems retarding the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria has been the recurrent incidences of ethno-religious crises and the attendant destructive effects. The growing propensity of protracted ethnoreligious conflicts is potentially destructive to the extent that if nothing is done it can compromise the corporate existence of the country. So far, there appear to be no singular phenomenon in the history of Nigeria that shows the inability of the various identities to live together peacefully and pursue the goal of development than the regular occurrence of this monster called ethno-religious conflict.
What the country is experiencing is a recurring decimal of violence that is deeply rooted in mutual suspicion and hatred among the various ethnic and religious groups in the country. The aftermath of these violent conflicts and indeed “religious wars” bears destruction, physical and mental devastation, death, deprivation, dislocation of people, destruction of property and massive economic stagnation. In the last three decades alone, Nigeria has witnessed so many incidences of ethno-religiously based violent conflicts that it is difficult to keep proper track of the number. These violent occurrences have resulted in the destruction of lives and property worth several trillions of naira. As a result, many have lost their lives while many more have suffered injuries including permanent disabilities.
According to Samuel Kunhiyop, while countries like Tanzania, Switzerland, India, Belgium and the United States of America have taken advantage of their multiethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural diversity, it has remained a divisive factor in
Nigeria (151). The nation‟s diversity has continued to threaten its progress and even its existence. This is because of our orientation of non commitment to the ideal of the nation but rather to our various ethno-religious identities. This is reflected in the frequent occurrence of ethno-religious and other violent conflicts that have afflicted the country since independence and particularly in the past three decades.
Although the exact number of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria may not be accurately ascertained, it is on record that between 1999 and 2004, over 100 violent conflicts occurred in different parts of the country. This has resulted in the deaths of over 10,000 people and the displacement of over 800,000 people. It is estimated for instance that the Maitatsine riots in Kano in 1980 on its own claimed over 4,177 lives, while that of Jimeta-Yola in 1984 and Rigasa in Kaduna in 1992 led to 763 and 175 recorded casualties respectively (Egwu 3). In February 2006, as many as 50,000 people were internally displaced and several others killed in a wave of violent conflicts across the country sparked off by protests against Dannish newspapers‟ cartoons of Prophet Mohammed (Elaigwu 52; Ali et al. 50).
The humanitarian tragedy in terms of loss of lives and property in this chain of violent encounters can only be imagined. For instance, many Nigerians were surprised why a cartoon in far away Denmark should lead to so much destruction of lives and property in Nigeria. Also, on 16th November, 2002 ThisDay newspaper published a story on Prophet Mohammed seen by Muslims as blasphemous. This resulted in widespread violence that led to the destruction of several lives and property in many parts of northern Nigeria. The question is why is it so?
Ethno-religious and political conflicts seem to have strong implications for the socio-political and economic development of Nigeria. This fear was expressed by the statement of former Nigerian President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo while declaring a State of Emergency on Plateau State after the 2004 violent conflicts. According to him, “…violence had reached unprecedented levels and hundreds had been killed with much more wounded or displaced from their homes on account of their ethnic or religious identification.” He further observed that schooling for children was disrupted and interrupted; businesses had lost billions of naira and much more property destroyed. Aside from these, the former president observed that these violent conflicts made investors to flee the troubled spots particularly Plateau State and the volatile Niger Delta Region. Further more, neighbouring states had their economies and social life disrupted by the influx of internally displaced persons as a result of the incessant conflicts (24).
