ABSTRACT
This study examined the phenomenon of vigilantism using a mixed method design, involving an archival study of media reports and a quantitative survey within the Ghanaian context. Drawing on 145 online media reports from January 2002 to December 2017, the study examined trends and patterns of vigilante violence within the Ghanaian context. Results showed a considerable increase in the occurrence of vigilantism within the 15-year period, from 27 cases during the period 2002 – 2011 to 118 cases in 2012 – 2017. Theft and robbery emerged as the most frequently suspected crimes for which victims were attacked. Cases of vigilantism were most frequently reported in urban areas, with the highest number of cases occurring in the Greater Accra Region. In addition, a cross-sectional survey was conducted with 400 individuals selected through convenient sampling strategy to examine public attitudes towards vigilantism. Results from hierarchical linear regression analysis showed that attitudes towards vigilantism were predicted mainly by personal factors (i.e., negative reciprocity belief, extraversion and neuroticism). Situational variables (i.e., police trustworthiness, sense of safety, previous experience of crime, and sense of safety), on the other hand, were not significantly related to attitudes towards vigilantism. The study underscores the implications of vigilantism in terms of disdaining human life and dignity, revisiting of our justice systems, punishment procedures, resourcing and empowering the law enforcers to fight the menace with vigilantism.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
On Monday May 29 2017, Captain Maxwell Adam Mahama, a military officer, was lynched at Denkyira Oboase, in the Central Region. According to news reports, he was lynched when residents saw a gun on him during his normal jogging rounds. Owing to an armed robbery incident the night before and suspecting him to be one of the purported robbers, residents raised an alarm which led to the lynching of the officer and the burning of his mortal remains. Also, in May of 2015, two male ex-convicts were lynched and their bodies burnt by some irate youth at Jirapa in the Upper West Region for allegedly stealing motorbikes and ruminants. The youth, fed up with the increasing spate of stealing in the area, and living in the backdrop of several accused persons being released from prison custody by an Appeals Court, went on a rampage meting out instant justice to suspected criminals. Similarly, in April 2011, the sad news of Amina’s predicament went viral on social media when she was arrested by some male students of the Mensah Sarbah Hall Annex B at the University of Ghana, for allegedly stealing a laptop and other gadgets belonging to a female student. The students stripped her naked and physically and sexually abused her and recorded the act.
The aforementioned and several related incidents focused considerable national attention on vigilantism and its implication for maintenance of law and order. Haas, Keijser, and Bruinsma, (2012) defined vigilantism as a premeditated criminal act, meted out by a “private citizen” in response to (the supposed or alleged threat of) a crime committed by a “private citizen”, targeting the (alleged) wrongdoer of that crime. Thus, vigilantism encompasses
aggressive actions by persons not within the law enforcement profession, which aim to deliver justice in the light of what they consider to be right or wrong; effectively involving taking the law into their own hands (Haas, Keijser, & Bruinsma, 2012). In present times however, vigilantism cuts across religions, traditions, and nations with different names such as: “necklacing”, “lynching”, “mob justice” or “mob action”, ‘instant justice’, and “Xenophobia” (Piper, Charman, & Carciotto, 2016; Tankebe, 2009)1.
The act of vigilantism is not a recent phenomenon. The practice originated as a means of deterring and combatting crime. In the late 1700s, public whippings were carried out in Virginia
– USA by a vigilance committee led by a Colonel Lynch. The term lynching therefore developed to refer to this practice of public flogging. Over time, the violent punishment meted out by these vigilante bands; and the term ‘lynching’ became synonymous with summary execution, usually by hanging (Tolnay & Beck, 1995). As a means of social control (Tankebe, 2009), vigilantism was also linked with racism in the 19th and 20th centuries, especially in Southern America (Pfeifer, 2004). Not less than 2,500 blacks were killed in the former Confederate states in a time when lynching was rife, translating roughly into about one mob killing every week for five decades (Tolnay & Beck, 1995). These lynching’s which occurred in the 19th and early 20th centuries in the United States, targeted people from particular racial and ethnic groups (Pfeifer, 2004). Fundamentally, these lynchings served to reduce the African American population in these Southern States (Tolnay & Beck, 1995). Campney (2016), reported that in those early years, white newspapers including The Headlight regularly published cases of as well as efforts by whites to lynch and/or terrorize blacks. Every once in a while, these papers reported efforts by
1 For the purpose of this study, vigilantism means same as the other names noted for it in various jurisdictions and will be used interchangeably, most especially with “mob justice” and “lynching”
armed blacks to counter those lynchings. Many white indigenes supported the lynching since they felt blacks were responsible for the high crime rates which the legal system was unable to control. Consequently, they saw lynching as a necessary deterrent.
In contemporary times, vigilantism was observed world-wide. Harnischfeger (2003) and Minnaar (2001) investigated “necklacing” in South Africa and Nigeria where old car tires were put around the necks of victims and set ablaze for either political reasons, allegations of stealing, witchcraft or other immoral acts. Executions were carried out at the market place and on the street with no statistics to show the total number of persons who were killed (Harnischfeger, 2003; Minnaar, 2001). Most of these victims were killed on the basis of mistaken identity or false accusation (Harnischfeger, 2003; Karmen, 2004; Silke, 2001). Amnesty International (2017) recounted an incident of vigilantism caused by over 1,000 Bengali settlers in Bangladesh. They went on rampage, burned houses of indigenous peoples living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, killed a 70-year old woman in the process; after they burried a fellow Bengali who was allegedly killed by local indigenous Pahari people. Also, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran (2015) indicated that in 2014, several acid attacks were perpetrated against women in the Iranian city of Isfahan for not wearing a hijab, the Islamic headdress. The attacks were undertaken by unidentified men who threw acid in the faces of women who didn’t wear these head dresses that covered their entire faces and heads, leaving only their eyes.
Although data is scarce on the phenomenon at the global level, some pockets of data exist on vigilantism in various countries across Africa. Statistics show that the Kenyan police, after including “lynching” for the first time in its crime statistics, recorded 543 cases in 2011. Five hundred and eighty-two (582) people in Uganda also died as a result of lynching in 2014 (Martin, 2010). The story is not different in Ghana. Due to lack of statistical records on
vigilantism in Ghana, the specific number of victims who have suffered from the menace cannot be ascertained. However, Adinkrah’s newspaper review in 2005, from 1990 to 2000 recorded 46 incidents of vigilante homicide (Adinkrah, 2005), and cursory review of media reports suggests there has been a rise in vigilantism in Ghana since 2001. A UNODC (2013), report has also indicated a significant rise in violent crimes (vigilantism, theft, e.t.c) in African countries such as South Sudan, Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa.
Vigilantism as a type of social violence comes about when there is a suspicion of wrong doing. Historically vigilantism arose due to issues like theft, heresy, witchcraft, practice of homosexuality, land disputes, political turbulence, religious intolerance, and many others (Adinkrah, 2005; Tankebe, 2009) Usually, vigilantism occurs in two forms; either by individuals spontaneously coming together to mete out justice, or an organized group that goes around indulging in violence in the name of enforcing moral sanity in communities. An initial review of available literature indicates that perpetrators of this act are mainly angry youth between the early 20s to late 30s (Adinkrah, 2005; Tankebe, 2009).
Studies both within the Ghanaian context and other nations have grounded the argument on the resort to or support for vigilantism on corruption, circumspection and the slow nature of police and the justice systems (Adinkrah, 2005; Hough, Jackson, Bradford, Myhill, & Quinton, 2010; Sundar, 2010; Tankebe, 2009; Wu, Yuning & Sun, 2009). Thus, those who endorse vigilantism are thought to have low confidence in the criminal justice system due to lack of confidence in the police and the criminal justice system. For example, Tankebe’s (2009), study on vigilante self-help in Ghana found a strong relationship between perception of police trustworthiness and public support for vigilantism. Furthermore, Taussig-Rubbo (2011), asserts vigilantism to be socially recognized, with Ngondi-Houghton (2006), attributing this social
acceptance to the consistent failure of the justice system to prevent criminals from coming back onto the streets and to communities from which they were arrested. It becomes abundantly clear then, that though an illegal activity, vigilantism may be seen a necessary response to curbing crime in society.
Statement of the Problem
Vigilantism impinges on the fundamental human rights of people and is effectively against the rule of law. Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that, “Every person has the right to life, liberty and security of person. “Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations”. In the Ghanaian constitution, Article 13 of the constitution guarantees the right to life. Clause 1 of Article 13 provides that: “No person shall be deprived of his life intentionally except in the exercise of the execution of a sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence under the laws of Ghana of which he has been convicted.” Consequently, the act of lynching suspected criminals clearly breaches Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Ghanaian constitution (Article 13).
In spite of the significant public attention vigilantism received in the country, the subject received little research attention. Most studies on the phenomenon have been done outside Ghana (North & Historical, 2016; Orock, 2014; Outwater, Mgaya & Campbell, 2013; Tankebe & Asif, 2016), making them more Western-centered than Africa-based. The western leanings of these studies may not be applicable to the Ghanaian context as cultures differ, and the reasons and factors that inform the perspectives of people in Western cultures regarding vigilantism may differ from those which pertain in Africa. Veiga, Floyd, and Dechant (2001) argue that a
society’s beliefs and values impact how members of that society behave, which may affect how events like vigilantism occur in these societies.
Additionally, due to the dominance of criminological research on vigilantism, previous studies on vigilantism emphasized the impact of situational factors like crime rates, procedural justice system and law enforcers (Adinkra, 2005; Outwater, Mgaya & Campbell 2013; Tankebe, 2009). Little is known about the influence of individual factors such as personality and negative reciprocity belief on support for vigilantism. While these studies have contributed to understanding the extent to which normative considerations about the state influences endorsement of vigilantism, they limit our understanding of how individual dispositions shape attitudes towards vigilantism. To advance the knowledge in existing literature, there is the need for psychological studies where the role of individual factors can be assessed.
Moreover, empirical research on the phenomenon of vigilantism in Ghana is scarce. Available empirical studies on the subject are those done by Adinkra (2005) and Tankebe (2009). Adinkrah’s study, which was based on the trends and patterns of vigilantism in newspapers, revealed 46 reported cases of vigilantism. It also went further in examining why people indulged in vigilantism. Tankebe’s study, on the other hand, examined Ghanaian vigilantism and the rule of law, with a focus on law enforcers. Although these studies contributed to undertstanding of the nature and correlates of vigilantism in Ghana, additional research is needed for a number of reasons. First, more than a decade after Adinkrah’s media analysis on vigilantism, there were no further studies on trends in vigilantism in Ghana. Yet there is anecdotal evidence that incidents of vigilantism may be increasing in Ghana. Secondly, no study has investigated both situational and personal factors in relation to vigilantism in Ghana. Since conditions necessitating the use of vigilantism might have changed over the years, there is the
need for a follow up research to examine the situational and personal factors that impact vigilantism.
Research Aims and Objectives
The study investigated vigilantism in Ghana, by examining public attitudes and media reports. The specific objectives of the study are as follows:
- To examine the scope, nature, and patterns of Vigilantism in Ghana.
- To examine the factors that influence the Ghanaian attitudes towards Vigilantism.
Significance of the Study
This study is important for several reasons and to several stakeholders. First, the study contributes to the literature by highlighting how vigilantism dynamics play out in the Ghanaian setting. In effect, it will bridge the cultural gap existing between Africa and the West, regarding vigilantism. Further, the study will close the time gap existing between Adinkra and Tankebe’s study, and vigilantism in recent times. To this effect, the current study will elucidate the trends, nature and scope of vigilantism presently pertaining in Ghana.
The study also has relevance for the field of academia especially psychology, as it seeks to examine the role of individual and personal factors in vigilantism. As the study focuses on the Ghanaian attitude towards vigilantism, the findings of the study will highlight behavioral elements which give rise to vigilantism, enabling us justify some psychological theories which pertain to vigilantism.
Finally, the study adds to the existing body of knowledge on vigilantism in Ghana and the rest of the world. The findings of the study will lead to a greater appreciation of issues regarding vigilantism and other matters connected with it, thereby stimulating forward-thinking debate and
discourse on the subject for enhanced national development. It also has implications for further research and policy in addressing the canker.
